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American agents patrol German airports and seaports at will

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Munich Airport

Just like home: Munich's Franz Joseph Strauss Airport 

GIANT BLACK-RED-GOLD flags fly above the Berlin Reichstag building, suggesting that Germany is a sovereign country - or at least that it has been one since the "2+4" treaty of 1990, which formally ended both World War II and the nation's postwar occupation. It's all an illusion, though. Germany has been an occupied nation since 1945, and that's not likely to change anytime soon.

A case in point: In a scoop from the Munich daily Süddeutsche Zeitung, it has been revealed that some fifty American agents from the Department of Homeland Security, the Secret Service, the Immigration and Naturalization Service, and the Transportation Security Administration are working secretly and without any German supervision at major German airports and seaports. As such they represent only a fraction of the invisible army of American intelligence and security officers who are permanently stationed here.

Enjoying complete diplomatic immunity - including immunity from the basic rights enshrined in the German constitution - the secret agents that the Süddeusche Zeitung unearthed today have the final say over which passengers get to depart from German airports and which containers can leave German harbors. Mind you, I don't mean passengers or containers heading towards the United States, which might actually make some sort of sense. No, passengers and containers heading anywhere - including destinations within Germany itself.

The agents regularly enforce such peculiarly American institutions as the No-fly List, Selectee List, and the Terrorist Watch-List. They also have power - if not the legal authority - to arrest people. They are aided in this by the DHS's direct access to the names, addresses, credit card companies, and email addresses of everyone who ever boards an airplane in Germany.

Here's an example: A couple of years ago an Estonian computer hacker was on his way to a vacation on Bali with a stopover in Frankfurt. His flight plan would have taken him nowhere near US territory - except to Germany, which is de facto US territory. American agents standing at the gate arrested him and handed him over to German federal police, who promptly deported him to the US, where a New York court convicted him of credit card fraud in 2012. Good riddance, you might say, but the action represented a gross violation of German and international law, let alone German sovereignty. The German government later lied about the incident, claiming that the hacker had been picked up by the federal police itself. But the newspaper's sources - and the hacker's American lawyer - tell a very different story.

According to a Wikileaks revelation, American officers can even keep people off flights between Berlin and Munich if they so please. How many other persons have been hindered from boarding an airplane, or have been arrested by American agents? The German government isn't talking, and the airlines have no idea. "We ourselves don't know by what criteria {passengers} are winnowed out," is how one airline spokesman put it. Lufthansa, the newspaper writes, "keeps no statistics on rejected passengers. The airlines follow the Americans' recommendations because they don't want to risk problems on their next flight to the USA."

In 2007 the German state prosecutor put out an arrest warrant for thirteen fugitive American citizens, presumably CIA agents, who, on German soil, allegedly kidnapped a German citizen called Khaled el-Masri, whom they sent on to a torture prison in Afghanistan. While the kidnap clearly violated everything the constitution stands for, the German authorities have yet to seek their extradition from the US to stand trial for kidnapping in Germany. (El-Masri, who was released not long after his kidnapping in 2003, and who apparently suffered extreme emotional damage from his treatment, has been suing the US government ever since. You can read his own account of the kidnapping HERE.)

If the Americans have a clean conscience about their actions in Germany, they certainly don't act like it. The US embassy in Berlin (which has gained notoriety in recent weeks for the revelation that the NSA maintains a spy nest on its roof, manned by fake diplomats) refuses all comment. All enquiries from newspapers and TV stations have met silence, and when journalists do receive a tip about where the Americans are based, the offices always turn up empty - recently cleared out with no forwarding address.

Now international cooperation, particularly when it comes to law enforcement, can certainly be useful. But does it have to occur in direct violation of constitutional rights and behind a screen of lies? As one commentator on the newspaper's forum page puts it: "It should be noted that the German government cooperates better with foreign forces than with its own people."

 


Germany's "monstrous word" of 2013 announced

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 Dictionary

A dictionary can be a dangerous thing in the wrong hands... 

IF IT'S JANUARY, THEN it's time for Germany'a annual Unwort of the Year announcement.

What is an Unwort, you might ask? The fact is, this untranslatable term is something of an Unwort itself. You could call it a bad or unpleasant word, but I prefer the term "monstrous word" in the sense of the words Unmensch and Ungeheuer, both of which mean monster.

The annual announcement of the previous year's Unwort every January was started by the people at the Society for German Language in 1991. It highlights the most disagreeable political or socially relevant term used in the previous year in regard to violations of human dignity, of the principles of democracy, of the notion of ethnic and racial equality, and of the concept of clear speaking. While every culture coins objectionable terms, German with its Protean ability to create compound nouns for every occasion, as if they actually meant something, has coined some of the most objectionable of all times. For example, if the award could be bestowed retroactively, the winner for 1942 would likely be Endlösung, a.k.a. "final solution." The English term is chilling enough, to be sure, but the German compound noun becomes a genuine entity, beyond challenge. It's the sort of thing George Orwell was getting to in his novel Nineteen Eighty-Four and his essay "Politics and the English Language." As Orwell put it back in 1946, "Political language — and with variations this is true of all political parties, from Conservatives to Anarchists — is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind." So it is with Germany's Unwörter, past and present.

As reported today, the Unwort of 2013 was Sozialtourismus, i.e. "welfare tourism," a term that politicians have recently been tossing out there to describe eastern Europeans moving to Germany to take advantage of better employment and - yes - social welfare opportunities in the booming Federal Republic. While it reflects a real problem, the compound noun is cold and heartless.

But there've been worse terms. Here's an overview of the jury's selection since 1991:

1991: Ausländerfrei. "Free of foreigners." A term bandied about back then to describe eastern German cities like Hoyerswerda, where neo-Nazi violence forced foreign asylum-seekers to flee for their lives. The similarity to the Nazi term judenfrei ("Jew-free") likely persuaded the jury to select this term first.

 1992: Ethnische Säuberung. "Ethnic purge" or "ethnic cleansing." This word was by no means restricted to Germany, but similarities to Stalinist terminology disturbed many.

1993: Überfremdung.  "Alienation." Referred to the alienated feeling many German citizens (particularly in the East) felt when their towns were allegedly overrun by foreigners. I also recall hearing it in regard to West German carpetbaggers back then.

1994: Peanuts. In the meaning of "small change." Used in reference to various embezzlement cases in those wild days, particularly the case of crooked building magnate Jürgen Schneider in that year, who famously described the millions he had stolen as hardly worth mentioning.

1995:  Diätanpassung. "Compensation adjustment," a euphemism government officials spread to cover up a hefty hike in their salaries at taxpayers' expense.

1996: Rentnerschwemme. "Glut of pensioners." A particularly inhuman term describing the growing numbers of retired persons demanding their benefits. Like, maybe somebody should... well, do something about all these old people demanding money for nothing...?

1997: Wohlstandsmüll. "Prosperity rubbish."  An egregiously arrogant term characterizing those who supposedly don't bother looking for work but still expect full social welfare privileges.

1998: Sozialverträgliches Frühableben. "Socially responsible early demise." The politician who employed this term claimed he was joking about how convenient it would be if those who placed burdens on the social welfare system would, you know, just die and reduce the surplus population. I guess we'll have to take him at his word, because the alternative would be, well.... let's just not go there, okay...?

1999: Kollateralschaden. "Collateral damage." Its first prominent use came during the Kosovo war, when wayward conventional NATO bombs regularly blasted Yugoslavian civilians to ribbons. Since then, in the wake of our Global War of Terror, it has become part of our daily vocabulary. May Gawd have mercy on our souls...

Fallujah birth defects

So it goes: "Collateral damage" in Fallujah in the form of widespead birth defects after US assault with chemical weapons and depleted uranium munitions 

2000: National befreite Zone. "Nationally liberated zone." Like ausländerfrei, neo-Nazis used this term to describe eastern German towns where the foreigners had all been sent packing after an epidemic of physical assaults and arson. The Nazis used to call this sort of thing "Aryanization."

2001: Gotteskrieger.  "Holy warrior," describing a member of El Qaeda.

2002: Ich-AG. "Me Inc." A cynical term for a person who has moved from regular employment to unemployment, and from there to extremely precarious, government promoted self-employment, as if that was really a solution for anything. (I should know, because I'm one of them.) 

2003: Tätervolk. "Nation of perpetrators." Refers to Germans, due to their treatment of the Jews, but also - in the words of the conservative politican Martin Hohmann - to the Jews themselves, who, he believed, were also responsible for a lot of bad karma over the years (involvement in capitalism, bolshevism etc.). After presenting his theory in public, Hohmann was thrown out of the Bundestag.

2004:  Humankapital. "Human capital." A close cousin to the term Menschenmaterial, "human material," which the jury has dubbed the Unwort of the twentieth century.

2005: Entlassungsproduktivität. "Layoff productivity." Refers to the short-term profits that can be reaped by firing vast numbers of employees.

2006: Herdprämie. "Hearth premium." Cynical term for a scheme by which parents could receive a pittance from the state by not sending their children to subsidised daycare facilities.

2007: Freiwillige Ausreise. The allegedly "voluntary departure" of foreign refugees or guest workers whose papers weren't in order.

2008: Notleidende Banken. "Suffering banks," as opposed to human beings suffering from being screwed over by banks.

Frankfurt am Main 

"Suffering banks" in Frankfurt

2009:  Betriebsratsverseucht. A company is sometimes referred to as being "shop committee-contaminated" if its employees get too uppity in regard to things like decent wages, job security, and occupational safety.

2010:  Alternativlos. A favorite term of Chancellor Angela Merkel, who regularly claims that there are "no alternatives" to her uninspired policies.

2011: Dönermorde. The "döner kebab murders" were the assassinations of immigrants carried out by the neo-Nazi "National Socialist Underground" between 2000 and 2006 (I wrote about the group here). The term "döner kebab murders," used so frequently by politicians and the press, is so offensive to the victim groups that it could have come from the terror gang itself.

2012: Opfer-Abo. Once-popular TV weatherman Jörg Kachelmann, who was acquitted of raping his girlfriend that year, told the press that today's women cultivated a "victimization subscription" by which they claimed constant abuse at the hands of men whenever it suited their mercenary purposes.

And this year it's Sozialtourismus. Now as unpleasant and downright chilling as many of these expressions are, Germany certainly has no monopoly on evil politics and dehumanizing terminology, either then or now ("Manifest Destiny," anyone...? Or how about "the peculiar institution"?). So if the English-speaking world would hold its own annual Unwort of the Year competition, what would be your favorites? List them below. I'm eager to see what you can come up with.

 

 

What Americans could learn about "freedom" from Berlin

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Reposted from July 14, 2011. A note to readers: The Berlin inititative against alcohol in public transit has gone nowhere and is unlikely to be revived any time soon. Let freedom ring! 

 Berlin Subway
If a local initiative has any say in the matter,
this subway train and station could become an
alcohol-free zone
(Source: BVG)

THERE'S A MOVEMENT UNDERWAY calling for a complete ban on the consumption of alchoholic beverages in the vehicles and stations of Berlin's far-flung public transport network, the BVG, and I think it's a bad idea. Sure, I understand where the initiative is coming from: Alcohol-fueled violence and vandalism, let alone the inevitable mess they leave behind, have long since reached unacceptable levels, and the city's passenger association, under the leadership of a conservative Christian Democratic suburbanite, wants to put a stop to it. But is banning booze on the bus, as other German cities have done, the solution? No, it isn't. At least, it isn't as long as Berlin doesn't want to become like any other European metropolis - or, God forbid, like any city in the so-called Land of the Free, a.k.a. "The Exceptional Nation."

Berlin is a symbol of freedom on many levels, which is one reason why everyone seems to want to come here. Since reunification, Berlin has heroically defended the wide-open, "Wild East" quality that it earned in the "front city" days of the Cold War and the mad years following the fall of the Berlin Wall. As globalization and the simultaneous consolidation of corporate power endeavor to make our increasingly bland and overheated planet safe for Facebook and Amazon.com, Berlin remains "free" with just a hint of genteel anarchy. You might call it "sin," but we call it "Berliner Luft" (Berlin air). It may not smell very nice, but it sure is refreshing.

Take the city's relationship to alcohol. As things still are today, you can buy any kind of alcoholic drink in any of hundreds of all-night shops and consume them pretty much anywhere in the city. Not only are there sidewalk cafés everywhere around town (without the railings that my own American home town insisted on before it finally legalized such cafés after a decade of controversy), but young people particularly, wary of high bar tabs, increasingly choose to pick up a few bottles of beer or cheap champagne at the local Turkish-owned all-night convenience store and guzzle them in parks or on the famous Admiral Bridge in Kreuzberg. The large, trendy thoroughfare near my flat becomes a sort of mobile saloon every evening as the tourists wander up and down the street clutching half-liter beer bottles in their feverish provincial hands. Booze is still banned in schools, the last I heard, but it is a popular beverage in movie theaters, right alongside Coke and Red Bull. The only restriction on beer in this town is that you have to be at least sixteen years old to buy it.

Berlin's remarkably liberal bar laws go back to West Berlin's no-man's-land status during the Cold War. No matter how late at night I get home, the bar across the street from my flat is doing a booming business. The expression "last call" is unknown in the city's distinctive dialect. At an hour when other German towns are rolling up the sidewalks, Berliners and tourists are just starting to place their orders.

Alcohol is by no means the only symbol of Berlin's special brand of freedom. The city has always prided itself on its sexual tolerance (we've got an openly gay mayor, for heaven's sake), and, unlike other German cities, which are otherwise also extremely liberal when it comes to sex, it has no tradition of red light districts: Throughout most of its history, prostitution has been legal, scantily regulated, and ubiquitous. Hundreds of perfectly legal brothels and massage parlors dot the cityscape, nearly all of them located in ordinary blocks of flats, whereas streetwalkers are only visible at a few prominent locations, such as Kurfürstenstrasse and the popular Oranienburger Strasse. Don't expect painted girls in shop windows à la Amsterdam. Here, prostitution is so normal that Berliners would only scoff at such displays. Bordellos are as unexceptional as hairdressers. For example, the brothel across the street from my flat (in the midst of a genteel neighborhood) is situated directly next door to an elementary school, for crying out loud, and nobody here gives a goddamn. Feel like a quickie on the way home from a long day at the office? Not getting the kind of blowjob you long for from the missus? Stop by one of hundreds of brothels or private addresses and pay your fee. As a Berliner, that is your right and privilege, no questions asked.

Berlin streetwalker 
A perfectly normal profession:
Streetwalker on Oranienburger Strasse
(Source: BZ)

Porn is a normal part of life here, with the regular video rental chains advertising their "Erotik" DVDs in very large letters over the entrance. The blue movies are kept in a special section, however, far from the Disney flicks, but are the main source of income. The newspapers are less demure. The supposedly "right-wing" tabloids always contain color photos of naked girls. Soft-core porn is thus part of every worker's morning commute, which just goes to show how differently one can interpret the term "conservative." After midnight, half the stations on TV are broadcasting porn, punctured by recurring callgirl commercials. None of this should imply that people here are "immoral" in any tangible way: Berlin and Germany as a whole are extremely intolerant when it comes to such disgraces as child pornography and particularly pedophilia ever since a massive scandal was uncovered at a Jesuit boarding school here last year. Rapists risk getting their balls chopped off, if you believe the commentaries in the tabloids and in the online forums. But when it comes to homosexuality, or any other harmless behavior between consenting adults: Not so much.

How about drugs? They're not exactly legal - in this respect, Berlin lags behind Amsterdam - but nobody seems to lose any sleep over them. They're one giant non-issue. Sure, I recently saw a rare piece in the paper about a very large marijuana bust somewhere in town, but they sell anything you could possibly want in the park around the corner from my house (or so I hear). Pot smoke is just one of the normal fragrances in my trendy neighborhood. If there's a "war on drugs" in this town, it hasn't reached my ears, and I've lived here for two decades.

 

Aufkleber 
"Attention: Not a toilet! Violators will be
reported to the Ordnungsamt!"
Seen on a house door along Berlin's
popular Kastanienallee
(Source: Tagesspiegel)

Now, imagine you've just finished one or more of the beers you picked up at the all-night Turkish shop on the corner and it's, well, time to return it. What do you do? Now it's not exactly legal, and it certainly isn't good manners, but it's hardly unusual for men to unzip and take care of the matter on a streetcorner or building entrance. A few years back I saw a twelve-year-old boy do the deed against a tree on busy Berliner Strasse in Tegel - not at night, mind you, but in broad daylight. None of the hundreds of passersby paid any attention whatsoever. I've never heard of anyone being prosecuted for public urination. (Now, in my own "liberal" home town back in the US, anyone caught taking a leak in the bushes on the way home from a bar at midnight would get their name in the court column of the local paper alongside the expression "indecent exposure," an offense that would become art of their permanent record.)

Zille 
Nude beaches have a long tradition here, as
shown in this drawing by Berlin artist
Heinrich Zille (1858-1929)


A woman choosing to remove her top at a public beach in the allegedly "free" United States will get slapped with a stiff fine. But in Berlin, it is not only perfectly legal but perfectly normal and respectable to take it all off at the beach or even while sunbathing in a municipal park. The East Berliners were once the world's most unabashed nudists, with the West's hippy culture following at a distant second. Public beaches here normally contain a "Textil" (i.e. swimsuit) and a "FKK" ("free body culture") section, but on unsupervised beaches it's your own choice. Entirely nude swimmers regularly mingle with those in swimsuits, and nearly all kids swim and prance around in their birthday suits. In fact, I don't recall ever seeing a child under the age of six or seven wearing anything at all on the beach. This swimsuits-are-optional tradition has nothing to do with lewdness, but rather with a typically German notion that there's a time and place for everything. Sadly, this tradition is fading, as society as a whole grows more conservative and a new generation of immigrant men, most of them from Turkey and other Muslim countries, gawk and make impolite comments to women seeking an even tan.

However, the united Berlin of today is no longer the East and West Berlin I used to know and love (and sometimes fear). The city used to be much wilder than it is now. The S-Bahn commuter train network is a good example of just how open the Berlin of my squandered youth used to be. Back then, in the 80s and early 90s, the BVG still ran S-Bahn cars that had been constructed for the 1936 Olympics, complete with beautiful and remarkably comfortable wooden seats. The sliding doors didn't lock, so it was normal for passengers to flip the latches and roll them back on hot days to let some fresh air in as their train rattled through the city. But after more and more people were literally thrown out of these doors to their deaths, the BVG wised up, installing locks and stationing security personnel. A few years later, the old trains were retired altogether. I'm glad I no longer have to worry about being hurled out into the night, but I do miss the trains and the casual, devil-may-care post-communist culture they represented. By the way, East Berlin's old streetcars dated back to around 1900. The new ones are more comfortable, all right, but lack character.

Berlin's characteristic freedoms are not solely due to the city's live-and-let-live mindset. It is simply not possible to enforce the regulations that still linger in the law books. There is indeed an officious quasi police force called the "Ordnungsamt" ("Order Agency"), which is just as humorless as the name implies. The Ordnungsamt is bad news. Dressed in their black and white uniforms, this squad of heavy-set middle aged women and underachieving men prowls the streets, issuing parking tickets and fining the occasional bicyclist who was unfortunate enough to get caught riding on the sidewalk at the wrong moment. But both they and the transport security force have essentially abandoned the fight. For example, I just learned today that it is theoretically illegal to eat on board the BVG's trains and buses, but so far nobody has bothered to tell that to the scores of licensed mini-snackbars located on train platforms. 

(A while back I saw a rather elegant-looking young woman eating a tray of sushi on the S-Bahn, seemingly oblivious to all the noise and bustle surrounding her. There was a certain Zen quality about the sight. The Ordnungsamt would have only gotten in the way.)

But despite its many obvious freedoms, Berlin is hardly a do-it-yourself city. For example, I regret to inform the Tea Partiers among you that the city does not guarantee a "right to bear arms," so don't come here packing heat and expect to stay out of jail. You can't have everything, I guess. But some restrictions on freedom are beneficial, at least for some of us. Not that long ago, you risked a lung infection every time you entered a bar or restaurant - that's how thick the smoke was. Today, there is a smoking ban in place in all restaurants (but, sadly, not in the bars). And the streets are cleaner than ever before. Less than a decade ago, Berlin enjoyed the dubious reputation of being the world's largest open-air dog toilet. I like to joke that I never had an opportunity to admire the architecture of my former neighborhood since I was always too busy practicing the "Neukölln-Blick" ("Neukölln view"), my name for a trick by which you always keep your eyes focused around fifteen feet in front of you in order to sidestep the thousands of "mines" littering the sidewalks. Today, a pooper-scooper law has nearly eliminated that problem everywhere except in Neukölln. Bad for dog owners, but good for the rest of us.

 Ordnungsamt
Bad news:
Everybody hates the
 Ordnungsamt
(Source: Die Welt)


There are plenty of other bad habits the city has finally shaken off. The past really is a different country. Just twenty years ago, at the end of my very own street, just a few hundred yards from where I now sit, border guards used to murder their fellow citizens trying to escape over the Berlin Wall. That is to say, they called it "murder" in West Berlin, whereas on this side of the Wall they gave you a medal for shooting refugees. The names of the victims, and the dates of their death, are engraved on a series of stone slabs that have been inserted into the pavement on Bernauer Strasse. My own street is one of the very few left in the city that concludes in a very narrow, very ugly dead end at a concrete barrier. Seeing that remainder of the Wall makes me think about freedom a lot. What it can mean, and how quickly we can throw it away. Chip away at the small freedoms, and you'll soon be mourning the big ones.

So perhaps now you can see why I regard the drinking ban on the trains, buses, and ships of the BVG as the slippery slope to servitude. I'm not saying that the phenomena I describe in this article are "good" in themselves. But by tolerating our neighbors' foibles, we learn to deal with others without shunning and criminalizing what amounts to fairly normal human behavior.

But not to worry: neither Berlin's Interior Senator, Ehrhart Körting, nor the transit authority itself want to go this route, not wishing to alienate "the construction worker who likes to rinse the dust from his throat with a beer while riding the train home from work." Instead, they're looking to find money for more cleaning and security staff to pick up the slack. Like me, Körting recalls that Berlin is the city of the Kaiser, Hitler, and Honecker. We're all sick to death of pushing other people around, even when it comes to drinking in public. Live-and-let-live keeps us all alive.

By the way, this also applies to immigrants and other minorities that we frequently don't see eye to eye with but have to keep talking to. In fact, it particularly includes them.

As for myself, I don't recall ever drinking a beer on the subway. But I like the idea that I could do so if I ever felt the desire. I want to decide for myself what's best for me and my neighbors, and then bear the consequences of that choice. Take it from a Berliner: That, my fellow Americans, is what freedom is all about.

Day of Destiny - Germany and November 9

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In commemoration of the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall tomorrow, I'm reposting this article from November 9, 2009. 

  Berlin Wall
The Brandenburg Gate on November 9, 1989

FOR AS LONG AS there have been calendars, specific dates have marked significant historical and spiritual events in their respective societies. The Americans celebrate their independence on the fourth of July, the French mark the storming of the Bastille on the fourteenth of July, and the British commemorate the infamous Gunpowder Plot on the fifth of November. Every other country – and just about every religion – also celebrates certain days that changed the world. New dates can appear at any moment. In today’s America, the magic date of 9/11 now trumps all others and determines much of our national identity.

Germany is no exception to this phenomenon, although it is unique for having one day in its national calendar so pregnant with meaning that they have a special name for it: der Schicksalstag der Deutschen (the fateful day of the Germans). They mark this day not on 9/11 but on 11/9, i.e. on November 9. The events that have occurred on this day span the entire spectrum of human experience, from defeat to shame, from the profoundest horror to redemption and rebirth. It is the date itself that ties these seemingly random events into a neat package and gives both structure and an astonishing level of meaning to one of the most turbulent histories any nation has ever experienced – and inflicted on the rest of the world.

It wasn’t always this way, but November 9, 1848 happened to be the day that German revolutionary Robert Blum was executed by firing squad in Vienna. His death at the hand of reactionary Austrian soldiers marked the symbolic defeat of the Revolution of 1848, which set the cause of German democracy back by generations. Precisely seventy years later, as a new rebellion broke out among the soldiers and sailors of the defeated German Empire, Prince Max von Baden announced the abdication of the Kaiser even before that ill-fated monarch had come to a decision of his own, thus eliminating the monarchy forever. The brief “German Revolution” ushered in the ill-fated “Weimar Republic,” Germany’s star-crossed “republic without republicans.” What many Social Democrats and progressives regarded as the birth of democracy, conservative author Oswald Spengler called “the stupidest and most cowardly revolution in world history.”

Scheidemann
Social Democratic leader Philipp Scheidemann proclaims "the German Republic" from a window of the Reichstag on November 9, 1918. Like Günter Schabowski 71 years later, Scheidemann made his spectacular proclamation without any authorization from above.

Five years later, Adolf Hitler took advantage of a right-wing political meeting scheduled on the eve of this troublesome anniversary at Munich’s Bürgerbräukeller to launch his “National Revolution” against the duly elected democratic government in Berlin. His march on Berlin the next day – November 9 – was stopped by police at Munich’s Feldherrnhalle monument, where sixteen of Hitler’s comrades were shot dead. When Hitler came to power, he declared November 8/9 to be a holiday that would eventually prove as familiar to Germans as July 4 is to Americans.

Beer Hall Putsch
Nazi-era stamp commemorating Hitler's
abortive "Beer Hall Putsch" on November 9, 1923

Fifteen years later, Joseph Goebbels took advantage of the recent assassination of German diplomat Ernst vom Rath by a Jewish man in Paris to launch the so-called Kristallnacht, whereby thousands of Jewish businesses and synagogues were destroyed and thousands of Jews were sent to concentration camps. This organized pogrom, while ostensibly carried out with Hitler’s knowledge, represented a calculated power grab by Goebbels and the symbolic beginning of the Nazis’ “Final Solution of the Jewish Question.” Coming as it did on the twentieth anniversary of the "Jewish" Revolution of 1918 and the fifteenth anniversary of the Beer Hall Putsch, the timing was not entirely intentional but certainly highly convenient for Goebbels's propagandistic purposes.

Kristallnacht
Jewish shopkeeper sweeps up the fragments following
Goebbels's 
Kristallnacht on November 9, 1938

November 8/9, 1939 was the date when Hitler was assassinated and the world was liberated from Nazi tyranny – or it would have been, if the meticulously-laid plans of Georg Elser had come to fruition. Elser, a simple German worker without a clear ideological orientation, who had realized early on that Hitler was going to plunge the world into a global war, chose this date because he knew for a fact that the normally restless and mistrustful Führer would deliver his annual speech in Munich’s Bürgerbräukeller on the evening of November 8. For months, working entirely on his own, Elser studied bomb-making, pilfered explosives from a mining operation, built his own timing device, and gradually hollowed out a detonation chamber in a column of the beer cellar next to the spot where Hitler always delivered his speech. His preparations were utterly flawless and the bomb went off exactly as planned. Unfortunately for Elser and the rest of us, bad luck – or destiny – intervened in the form of bad weather, which prevented Hitler from flying and instead compelled him to take the train. This required Hitler to take an early train back to Berlin, cutting his speech short by just thirteen minutes. The blast killed eight people, seven of them Nazis. Elser was picked up at the Swiss border and was executed on Hitler’s personal orders in the last weeks of the war.

Georg Elser
Georg Elser (1903-45) had scheduled Hitler's assassination for
the eve of November 9, 1939, just two months into World War II.
Foggy weather foiled his meticulously-laid plans. A slight
improvement in the weather that night could
have helped Elser save up to 60 million lives.

November 9, 1969 is notorious for another near miss. On that day, the leftist "extraparliamentary opposition" activist Dieter Kunzelmann planted a massive bomb in Berlin's Jewish Community Center on Fasanenstrasse in an attempt to blast Auschwitz survivor and Berlin congregation president Heinz Galinski and Berlin mayor Klaus Schütz, along with prominent German and foreign Jews to kingdom come (I wrote about this here.) Kunzelmann had disseminated leaflets across town, claiming that this attack was retribution for  “the Kristallnacht that is today being repeated on a daily basis in the {Palestinian} refugee camps and in Israeli prisons.” A defective timer was the only thing that prevented an infamous massacre and a critical shift in German political life.

A mini-event occurred on November 9, 1974, when Baader-Meinhof terrorist Holger Meins died in prison during a hunger strike, making him into yet another martyr of the German radical left. But the most memorable November 9 of the post-war era is that of 1989, when a spectacular mistake by Politburo member Günter Schabowski at a live press conference led to the sudden and spontaneous opening of the Berlin Wall and the complete unravelling of the German Democratic Republic. This November 9 marked the symbolic end of the division of Europe and of the Cold War itself.

But just how important is the date? If the fall of the Berlin Wall had occurred, say, on October 31 – Reformation Day – Christians and political conservatives would clearly have depicted it as an example of true spiritual “reformation” and the end of a vast cycle of German history (it also would have pleased a lot of Lutherans!). If it had happened just one day later, on November 10, literature professors would have associated it with the birthday of poet and playwright Friedrich Schiller, much of whose work (including the “Ode to Joy” which Beethoven set to music in his Ninth Symphony) was dedicated to the ideals of freedom. Two day later, on November 11, people would either have associated it with the end of World War I, or else with Germany’s riotous 11/11 Mardi Gras traditions and perhaps have regarded the whole thing as a huge joke of history. As it is, however, Germans can wrap up their troubled history in a neat package that promises redemption and a new beginning for their nation – no longer as the model of order and organization, nor the focus of the world’s fear and loathing, but rather as the conscience of humanity, the ultimate do-gooder nation, which appears to be a growing consensus among the country’s political class.

Just having returned from the lavish commemorative event at the Brandenburg Gate, I have to admit that the astounding peacefulness of the actual event twenty years ago tonight seems like nothing short of a miracle. Thousands of armed and indoctrinated border guards faced many more thousands of angry citizens demanding to be allowed to pass through the wall, many of whom were certainly spoiling for a fight. A single shot fired by a trigger-happy soldier – or even a handful of paving stones thrown at the police by restless demonstrators – could have transformed what we now celebrate as the “Peaceful Revolution” of November 9, 1989 into yet another “day of infamy” like Kristallnacht, thus putting an entirely different and even more sinister spin on Germany's already troubled history. Even as it is, this date is far too fraught with contradiction for it ever to be proclaimed a national holiday.

The peacefulness and common sense that prevailed that night and throughout that entire period bestowed upon this date an inspiring quality which – I hope – can rub off on all of us. That is why in my opinion 11/9 is much better guide to us than 9/11. Call it “the audacity of hope” if you like. But I’ll always remember that magical night twenty years ago as an affirmation of life as opposed to 9/11’s focus on death and revenge, which can only weaken us and breed more death and revenge. As Henry David Thoreau once wrote,“In the long run, men hit only what they aim at. Therefore, though they should fail immediately, they had better aim at something high.” 11/9 is a mighty high target, and one that is well worth aiming at.

 

Roots of Darkness: One family's American dreams & nightmares

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 Michael Luick-Thrams

Ex-pat author Michael Luick-Thrams 

IOWA-BORN, AND NOW Dresden-based author and activist Michael Luick-Thrams, who is rapidly becoming one of Central Europe's most visible American ex-pats, in part for his role in his adopted city's struggle against the racist Pegida movement, is back in the news this week as he publishes a new book - first in an electronic edition, to be followed by a print edition this spring - describing his own Midwest family's personal but all-too typical experience with the American dream - and with its dark flipside. Roots of Darkness is the first of five volumes, chronicling virtually the complete range of American history, from the earliest settlement of New York up to 9/11 and beyond. I caught up with him via email to interview him about this ambitious, richly illustrated and, in many respects, alarming project.

- Mr. Luick-Thrams, when I interviewed you in the summer of 2012, you had just left the United States behind you to go into self-imposed exile - crossing the Atlantic by ship, no less, just like your German forebears, although in the opposite direction - keen on a better life here in Europe. That interview (it can be accessed HERE) hit a nerve and quickly went viral. Now, far from home in the Saxon capital of Dresden, you have just published Roots of Darkness: Our Family’s Dreams and Nightmares in America (order at https://www.epubli.co.uk/shop/buch/44093). I understand it’s the first in a five-volume series about the American Heartland called Oceans of Darkness, Oceans of Light. Recalling our original interview, I’ve got the feeling you’ve gone full circle – straight back to the US. Could it be that you can take the man out of America, but you can't take America out of the man?

Of course—but isn’t that a good thing? If you love someone or something, it becomes part of you, even as you carry parts of it in you into each new day, regardless of where you are and what you do. That doesn’t mean you don’t feel disappointed, even angry in response to some characteristics, to certain behaviors of the other person or—in this case—persons, perhaps the majority of my compatriots.

If I didn’t care, if I had simply slipped away and pretended to forget what was happening to our country, then I’d be a callous cad—part of the problem itself, not a viable antidote to it.

Besides, after four centuries, my family has a vested interest in the whole project not going up in flames, but rather pulling back from continued decay and, at the current rate, likely demise.

Roots of Darkness 

 

- Your book is a family history. How did you come to write it?

This pentalogy has both personal as well as political motivations. Like I outline in the prologue, as a child I experienced not one but two recurring dreams, nightmares about my paternal grandparents’ farmhouse in the middle of the Iowa prairies. One of the nightmares, specifically, had to do with the canyon-like, crooked stairwell tucked away in the heart of that rambling frame house. And, my few but unsettling memories of Grampa Luick literally sent chills down my little spine. The lingering imprint he left in me has always felt visceral, some indelible influence both primal yet vague.

For years, I thought I was projecting some inner malformation in me onto him—he died when I was only three and a half—but last year I discovered that my cousin, Peggy, also had recurring dreams about that same ol’ house. At that moment, I knew I wasn’t the only grandkid picking up on something both frightening yet deeply hidden. During interviews with other relatives for this project, I discovered that not only I, but none of us could remember our grandfather’s voice, or even his having spoken, although we know for a fact that the man physically was able to speak. At that point, I knew that something very wrong was afoot in my father’s family’s house.

I wanted, no, I needed to find out what that was, as half a century later it still would not let go of me—nor I of it. Figuring it all out, then writing it all down became a much-needed, long-overdue catharsis that not only I, but apparently other descendants of a dysfunctional nuclear family needed so desperately, for decades, yet had never achieved—until now.

On a political level, as we watch our country slowly implode—sort of like the image of those two collapsing towers that so aptly embody our nation’s otherwise often intangible spiritual decline—it seems to me there are myriad unspoken, shadowy dynamics at play that are causing the United States to fray, if not unravel irreparably. We’re talking about a pervasive, insidious yet low-level social crisis that everyone sees or at least senses the symptoms of, but few people dare name its actual causes. Many folks seem too close to it all, they have too much invested in keeping even a diseased system on life support—although doing so is killing them or the ones they love, and steadily devouring everything dear to all of us.

I can only conclude that like in a family (a microcosm), secrets, lies and banal as well as overt evils leave an organism—our shared culture—sick and self-consuming. So, by dissecting what it was that was really at play in my paternal lineage, I hope to shed light on what is eating away at the heart of America—our collective “family” as a macrocosm.

- But don't you approach your family history from a highly unusual perspective? There are lots of skeletons in your ancestors' respective closets - anecdotes that most people would try to hush up. Why do you focus on these things?

I love the Midwest—including the archetypal sturdiness and decency typically ascribed to its inhabitants. As with individuals or groups, however, one’s greatest strengths are often concurrently one’s most debilitating weaknesses. The traditional stoic demeanor of my people—simple, unassuming yeoman farmers—meant that we typically avoided unpleasant topics, controversy or, gods forbid, confrontation. So, behaviors such as alcoholism, incest, child or spouse abuse—they went virtually unnamed for generations, really up until the cultural revolution of the late 1960s and early ‘70s bust the whole society open—yes, even at the ends of those long, gritty gravel roads.

As I was coming into young adulthood, it suddenly became possible, even conceivable to name such dynamics—and thus be able to confront them. By then, however, certain dynamics had become reflexive and so hard to root out. Still, naming needs to happen before such deep-seated behaviors can become conscious; only then can they be confronted and, with hard, sustained effort, transformed.

On top of the run-of-the-mill dysfunctions so common to the late-Victorian, Midwestern but also American mindset in place in my youth, which were the norm in most households at the time, my father’s family had the distinction of being a seedbed for even darker dynamics.

As I tried to uncover why my father’s father, Donald Luick, acted so mysteriously, so strangely, I unexpectedly stumbled across testimonies from Dad’s cousins that Donald’s father—my great-grandfather, George Michael Luick, who I knew and deeply loved—had been active in the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s.

Ku Klux Klan

And, that Donald’s wife—my half-orphaned grandmother, Charlotte (Juhl) Luick—had grown up in the same house with her seven-year-older aunt, Della, even though Gramma always maintained that she grew up alone in her maternal grandparents’ home. But, Federal and state census records, newspaper articles from the late ‘20s through early ‘40s, as well as photos from the 1950s, and now even reticent family confessions, document that Della had become a mass-murdering mother who later landed in prison—as of which point Gramma’s dead mother’s people mostly erased the burdened woman from its shared narrative about who the Mooreheads were.

And, there’s also the matter of Donald siring a baby with the hired girl brought in to help run the Luick household when Charlotte was laid up due to pregnancy complications—but you’ll have to buy and read the book to digest those juicy details.

So, for example, in the story of Great-Grampa George Luick, we have the drama of the Klan’s short-lived “revival” as distilled in one family’s enduring that toxic, recurring racist plague. While I don’t flippantly parade my ancestors or their families through a gawking public for shock value, there is a larger cause served by doing so—again, by naming a story that unfolded literally in millions of American households outside the South, all the way up into the Canadian Prairie Provinces and New England, on the heels of the game-changing First World War. How can we have rational, informed discussions about parallel dynamics today (think Ferguson, Missouri, or “I can’t breathe”), if we don’t know about comparable disasters in our shared past?

Iowa heritage

- In what way do you think your family is representative of the United States as a whole?

Actually, my family is totally “normal,” not “special” at all, which makes it a prime candidate as an All-American Family ideally suited to represent the White-Anglo-Saxon-Protestant majority that ruled the country until the social revolution of the ‘60s and ‘70s—a tectonic shift that also gets much air time in section one, Roots of Darkness. It’s my family’s genericness that makes it so accessible—we could be almost anyone’s kin who has ties to the Midwest or even to rural culture outside the Midwest. As over half of all Americans lived on farms until World War II, the vast majority of us alive today have some tie to the land—or at least to the Heartland.

- Do you believe that an American "golden age" existed? If so, when was it, and what happened to it?

For various reasons, on different levels, I feel particularly drawn to the era from about 1890 to 1940—not only to the Western cultural streams at play in the U.S. at that time, but also in Europe, Latin America, even in enclaves in Africa and Asia. Sure, there were great injustices taking place—there still are, aplenty—but in terms of physical culture such as architecture, dress, autos, and symbolic culture like theater and music, literature, visual art, hard and political sciences, a great deal of innovation and refinement was bringing aspects of Western living to a new level.

At the same time, of course, something in that mystifying puzzle of human behavior—especially human group behavior—seems to regurgitate “too much of a good thing,” to reject as “too long” an era of sustained peace or prosperity. By the end of the Belle Époque, there seems to have been a hunger for destruction and a social leveling, for the bloody carnage and thereby the devastation of the prevailing order that erupted with the outbreak of the First World War and then, after a rocky break, continued in the Second. I document in detail how my own, how one “ordinary” family “back home, down on the farm,” experienced both global conflagrations—and how massive mobilization affected even the “little people” of history.

Much of the diversity, the intricacy and the sophistication the West as a whole had reached by the zenith of the Belle Époque went lost after two world wars. That fratricidal slaughter on a massive scale set humanity back in some ways, even while catapulting us forward in others—like in terms of the gender, racial and even sexual equality that arose around of the postwar chaos, between 1920 and, say, 1980. As I not only write about but show in section one’s postscript (there are over a thousand photos and other images in the book, after all), a steady uglification of the planet that began during the heyday of industrialization also unfolded in the most rural reaches of the house-proud Midwest. So, once again, we see the macro in the micro—in how my parents said they “remodeled” but in truth “standardized” the Arts-and-Crafts gem built about seventy-five years earlier by Grandpa and Great-Grandpa Thrams, in 1925.

Couple

- At certain points in your book, you seem to be saying that the US is "standing at the brink" of some sort of collapse. Why do you believe this? And, are all of us perched at the same “brink” or can you make distinctions in terms of gender, race, ethnicity, and social/financial status?

I reject part of the worldview, and parts of the resultant agenda, behind the “political-correctness police” who want to micro-dissect, to atomize individuals even more into “queer,” “multi-gender,” “metrosexual” and the like. Of course, differentiation is key to nuanced recognition and response, but exaggerating some alleged, tenuous “distinctness” only further separates us various cogs in an already fractured wheel. Fact is, regardless of skin color, sexual-orientation, ethnic or religious or any other of a zillion alleged “backgrounds,” we are all on one-and-the-same stressed planet, in a taxed, “modern” world looking for a better way forward. Ironically, for my part, I think offering a critical look backwards is actually essential to eventually seeing a better future, more clearly.

- If the Midwest has fallen into a terminal crisis, does your book represent a mere post-mortem, or do you see a way of putting the genie back into the bottle?

Some speak of there having been three main waves in American agrarian history. The first fueled the settling of a continent inhabited by non-industrialized peoples and the natural abundance with which they lived in total balance. The second—the industrialization of agriculture that intensified during World War I, then steam-rolled over all reason after that—helped decide the war against Nazism, then propelled the American economy to one with global reach. Rural sociologists, whole-food or slow-food advocates, and others now speak of a Third Wave in American agrarian culture, of “boutique farms” focused on sustainable soil health, food nutrition and viable rural culture—one in balance with a more humane urban counterpart.

I’d take this construct a step further and propose that the entire country needs to be “resettled” from top to bottom, from coast to coast—both on a material plane but also in terms of our jointly-held moral landscape. In the process, we need to throw out the cynical cliques that have shouldered 99% of the U.S. population out of Washington, D.C., or other isolated dens of power across the country, and, in essence, start from scratch to recalibrate the American Dream—one we have to make accessible to all, not just partisan thieves with deep pockets and their corporate whores with deep throats.

We need to rethink what it means to be an “American,” what abstractions like “freedom,” “democracy” or the “pursuit of happiness” really are and, in practice, actually entail. If the country’s to not just survive but thrive going forward, I’m convinced that will only be possible by peering back to check who we were when we arrived on this great continent’s shores—as well as acknowledge who we’ve become in the process of evolving from a discordant babble of immigrants to a more-or-less unified whatever-we-still-are-today collection of people sharing a vast geographic space and a rich cultural legacy.

- From what you've told me ahead of this interview, you're an extremely busy man these days. How does the book project fit in with your other work as a social activist?

You know, during the Reagan years I helped load political muskets behind the barricades of the disenfranchised—I went on marches, canvassed, demonstrated, ladled soup in dank public kitchens, wrote endless articles, organized a palette of social and political events to coax my fellow Americans to think a bit deeper, then a second time, over issues of justice, peace and freedom. Countless gains have been won in the days of the assorted civil-rights movements of my youth, but perhaps we’ve tapped out—at least for now—what umpf such actions once were able to muster.

In all that time, doing the self-work that sound, sustainable activism really requires, I kept coming back to my family, to my rural roots in the heart of a great country. And, I realized time and again that any lasting changes must include those folks the pundits on both the right and the left, on both coasts, like to poke fun of and deride. We—the farmers and carpenters, the road-graders and truckers, railroad workers and shop clerks, the janitors and cafeteria crews—who literally built this nation’s physical plant, then kept it and its people running, must march along with any attempts to modernize, to humanize the culture as a whole. Without such people, no real change can happen.

Rockwell

My current work is as a “public historian,” as the director of two non-profit education organizations—one in Germany, the other in the Midwest. They bring narrative and, if you will, “social” history to people in various, accessible forms, with the goal of helping them immerse themselves in it and, ideally, be transformed by that encounter with our shared past.

Dresden—the German city where I live most of the year at present—is struggling with its own, post-dictatorship self-image and how non-Saxons fit in with the rest of the populace in this isolated corner of the erstwhile “German Democratic Republic.” Our project at Spuren e.V. (see www.roots.TRACES.org) is all about massaging loose people’s stories, their narratives about who they and their families have been, so that they might revisit their images of who they think they are now. We do all that self-work, together, with an eye to how that “me” we all carry around with us might fit in with the non-“me”—in this case, the non-Germans—in our midst.

I have often felt like an outsider living in my native country, so the feel of being an Ausländer, a “foreigner” in booming, contemporary Germany feels familiar. My work organizing other foreigners into a speakers bureau that goes into schools, churches or other venues to speak about our lives here among the Germans, is inseparable to my own, on-going “self”-work in the United States—that of researching, recording and broadcasting stories about John and Jane Doe.

Roots of Darkness: Our Family’s Dreams and Nightmares in America embodies my continuing interaction with the land of my birth. For me, being not only a bilingual but bicultural gay, Midwest Quaker farmboy living in the mostly aspiritual, urban former East Germany, there is a symbiotic relationship between the roles I play in each country. All of the proceeds from Roots of Darkness for the next two years, for example, will go to Spuren e.V. to fund educational efforts here. In turn, an exhibit and speaking tour based on Roots is planned for the Midwest for next fall. I can’t wait to roam the open prairie and speak at small-town libraries and town halls again: That’s me in my natural setting, through and through!

Luick 

- How has your emigration to Germany worked out for you? Would you recommend taking such a step to other disgruntled Americans?

On one hand, by voting with our feet, we dejected Americans abroad give a host of signals, including the most tangible, unmistakable message that we’ve had enough, that the current state of affairs in the United States is no longer conscionable, or even tolerable on a direct, daily basis. For myself, I had to leave as I could not find peace with the recognition that every time I paid a dollar in one or another form of taxes, I was helping to feed the beast, to pay for torturing, even killing people who had never done anything to me and the people I love, nor were so inclined.

Not just in terms of America’s foreign policy, but in-country I no longer felt personally safe. Any person who’s even half-awake has to ask her or himself, “Ok, am I gonna be the one today sittin' in a café or walkin’ down a city sidewalk who’s gonna land in the crossfire of some frustrated, berserk gunman?” For those of us who are dark-skinned or homeless or living in disadvantaged parts of town, the additional question becomes: “Am I going to be shot by some scared cop today?”

What I try in my own small, flawed way in my family history series is to ask—based on my own tribe’s 400-year sojourn in North America—where have we been as a nation, how did we land where are we now, and where, using current trajectories, are we likely to head?

Ultimately, while I try to raise some of the “right questions,” my search raises few pat answers, but rather places the onus back in the laps of my cousins, our neighbors, colleagues, bosses… on all of us: Who are we—and who do we still want to become?

- Mr. Luick-Thrams, thank you for this discussion.